Who's Paying Nigel Farage? The Oil Money Behind Britain's "Man of the People"
Elite Networks, Financial Contradictions, and Anti-Democratic Strategies
Image credit & source: independent.uk
Nigel Farage has built his political brand on being a blunt, pub-friendly “man of the people”.
A self-styled defender of Britain’s working class. He has led UKIP, the Brexit Party, and now Reform UK.
Farage’s populist appeal is undeniable, he often speaks of “grafters” and claims “Reform really are now the party of working people” (the-independent.com).
Yet trade union leaders and economists alike have branded him a “political fraud…cosplaying as a working-class champion” whose policies “would not help the communities [he] claims to champion” (theguardian.com) (theguardian.com).
As Trades Union Congress (TUC) chief Paul Nowak put iT;
“There’s a massive contradiction between what [Farage] says and what he actually does in practice”
Farage's claim to represent ordinary British people crumbles when examining who actually funds his political operations.
WHO FUNDS REFORM?
Data in above table sourced from:
bylinetimes.com, leftfootforward.org,dailytuesday.co.uk, theguardian.com,searchlightmagazine.com,desmog.com
Reform UK has received an astonishing 73.5% of its total funding since 2019 from sources linked to offshore financial interests (Good Law Project, 2024).
Five individuals:
Christopher Harborne
Jeremy Hosking
Nick Candy
Richard Tice
Fiona/George Cottrell
account for over 80 % of all Reform UK’s reported cash since 2019.
Let’s talk about them…
Christopher Harborne AKA (Chakrit Sakunkrit)
Christopher Harborne (also uses Thai passport name Chakrit Sakunkrit) does not live in the UK, he is a UK‑born (Dec 1962) long‑term resident of Bangkok, Thailand.
He is the largest single donor to Reform UK, contributing £13.7 million in just ONE YEAR: 2019-2020 (Good Law Project, 2024).
His company, AML Global is a worldwide trader of jet fuel and aviation parts. The company HQ in is Bangkok with subsidiaries in Singapore, Malaysia, UAE, UK.
Other Holdings include: Sherriff Global Group (private‑jet brokerage); IFX Payments (UK FX / fintech, authorised EMI); 100 % owner of Windsor‑registered AML Jet Advisory. Also owns ≈12 % of Tether/Bitfinex parent (iFinex via BVI shell “Renrenbee”).
ChristopherHarborne was named in Panama Papers multiple times, as shareholder or intermediary for at least six BVI entities, (icij.org) (panamapapers.org).He donated £13.7 m to Brexit Party/Reform UK (2019–20) this cash made Farage’s EU election victory possible.
He donated £1 m to Boris Johnson’s office after premiership (Open Democracy).He donated £500,000 to the Conservatives in February 2022, just months before the government announced plans to make the UK a"global cryptoasset technology hub"(cityam.com).
Endowed INSEAD San Francisco campus and INSEAD Blockchain Research Fund; major donor to Cambridge Judge Business School “Alternative Finance” programme.
These facts are drawn from company filings, ICIJ databases, SEC court records, Electoral Commission data, and reputable press investigations. They provide the clearest current outline of Christopher Harborne’s business operations, client landscape, and political networks.
Jeremy Hosking
Jeremy Hosking isa Brexit-backing businessman who has donated over £2.5 million to Reform and previously funded Laurence Fox's Reclaim Party(leftfootforward.org).Jeremy Hosking is the founder & Portfolio Manager of Hosking Partners LLP a global‑equity firm using the “capital‑cycle” approach.Hosking Partners reports $5.49 bn AUM with just 8 institutional clients (mainly pension funds and endowments).
Those clients are:
Government Institutions Pension Fund (Namibia)
Hampshire Pension Fund (UK LGPS)
Greater Manchester Pension Fund (UK LGPS)
HSBC Bank (UK) Pension Trust
Parliamentary Contributory Pension Fund
Oxfordshire County Council Pension Fund
Universities Superannuation Scheme (USS)
Government‑backed pooled fund (name withheld)
(These names come from public filings and pension‑fund reports).
Six of the eight are UK Local‑Government or public‑sector funds; one is African (!??!); one is a UK corporate master‑trust (HSBC). These pension funds all put part of their money into a shared pot. The pot then gives Hosking Partners a chunk to run. Hosking’s job is to pick worldwide shares, hold them for the long term, and try to deliver bigger‑than‑average returns.
Because all eight asset‑owners are Stewardship‑Code signatories, they publish Hosking Partners’ voting and engagement data annually, giving indirect public visibility into the manager’s holdings and ESG stance.
It’s worth noting that pension‑fund clients expect managers to act solely in members’ interests. If a manager funds policies that harm long‑term returns (e.g. weaker climate rules increasing risk), trustees might challenge the manager. That is a stewardship or ESG conflict.
Pensions are obliged to invest “in members’ best interests”. If a manager bankrolls policies (e.g. rolling back net‑zero, weakening ESG rules) that could harm long‑term returns or clash with the scheme’s own climate goals, trustees may judge that the manager’s private agenda conflicts with their duty.
Public filings show c $2.37 bn in reportable U.S. equities (Q1‑2025) with a top‑10 concentration of 33 %. Energy holdings were ~£108 m in 2021 (two‑thirds oil). In the US, the SEC bars managers from managing state‑pension money if they donate to the officials who control those mandates.
Its interesting to observe, that if a donor received confidential government information (say, early details of a tax cut) and traded shares on it, that would be insider dealing. (No evidence suggests Hosking did so).
Good‑Law‑Project review notes Hosking Partners has a subsidiary in the Cayman Islands and is “ultimately controlled” by a Jersey‑registered parent.His investments span offshore jurisdictions including Jersey, the Cayman Islands, and Bermuda.
Put simply
Hosking Partners manages other people’s retirement savings.
Those clients must be (and be seen to be) politically impartial.
A manager’s visible partisanship increases reputational and governance friction for the client.
With only eight clients, any one client deciding “this is more trouble than it’s worth” hurts the business quickly.
NB: If you're a member of any of the above pension schemes, you can contact your scheme's trustees or pension committee and ask them to review their investment with Hosking Partners.
You have a right to raise concerns about whether the fund manager’s political donations and values align with your pension’s goals, risk policies, and responsible investment standards.
Nick Candy
Image credit & source: mirror.co.uk
Nick Candy is a billionaire property developer. He was appointed Reform UK treasurer (Dec 2024); pledged to raise £40 m “from oil execs and the tax exile set” and personally gave £313 k while his wife Holly Valance a further £50 k).Nick also donated £270 k to Conservatives in 2022). Building.uk The Independent
Nick Candy is the co‑founder of luxury developer Candy & Candy (now Candy Property).He is also the chief executive of CPC Group Guernsey‑based property development vehicle behind:
One Hyde Park (86 flats, JV with Qatar’s Waterknights / Qatari Diar, £1 bn)
Chelsea Barracks site (£959 m purchase with Qatari Diar; later legal dispute).
Additionally, he operates:
Candy Capital a London‑based family office managing property, tech and natural‑resource stakes.
Candy Ventures SARL – Luxembourg fund (17 start‑ups; accumulated £100 m losses 2014‑23).
Nick Candy’s Typical clients / partners are usually:
Ultra‑high‑net‑worth apartment buyers (Russian, Kazakh, Qatari names cited at One Hyde Park).
Institutional backers: Eurohypo (development loan), Qatari sovereign entities.
Tech founders seeking seed money (e.g., Blippar, Crowdmix, Ralph & Russo loan).
Nick Candy is a regular on GB News, recently going on to talk about his arranged 2025 Mar‑a‑Lago meeting between Nigel Farage and Elon Musk about “up to $100 m” donation.
Take‑aways in plain language
Property core – Candy built his wealth by developing ultra‑luxury London flats with Gulf state partners and offshore vehicles.
Offshore habit – Key companies sit in Guernsey and Luxembourg, keeping UK tax exposure low.
Venture arm under water – Candy Ventures has lost about £100 m on tech bets, yet still claims £350 m in paper value. Financial Times
Influence network – He leverages high‑profile contacts (Elon Musk, Gulf investors, celebrity wife Holly Valance) to amplify fundraising and media reach.
All information above is drawn from public filings, reputable press reports, and company websites.
Richard Tice
Richard Tice made his fortune building and trading office and industrial buildings. He is the party chairman of Reform UK and was previously leader of the Brexit Party.
Between 2021–2023, he donated or loaned £1.4 million to Reform UK via his investment vehicle Tisun Investments Ltd. That accounted for over 80% of the party’s income in that period (leftfootforward.org). He previously donated £150k+ to the Brexit Party in 2019.
Tice is also a weekly presenter on GB News, hosting The Sunday Sermon, where he regularly promotes Reform’s policies on energy, immigration, and tax. He is in a long-term relationship with political journalist Isabel Oakeshott.
Ofcom has launched multiple investigations into GB News for alleged breaches of impartiality rules and has found GB News in breach on multiple occasions for shows involving politicians interviewing other politicians from the same party including Richard Tice.
As chairman of Reform UK, Tice helps approve spending, set policy, and oversee reporting. As donor, he also controls the purse. No independent check.
Tice gave the money as “loans” via his company Tisun, then later “wrote them off” as donations. That raises questions about transparency of intention and whether he gained influence or avoided scrutiny at the time of giving.
The party’s ability to scrutinise its own chairman is weakened if he funds operations, salaries, and campaigns.
Richard Tice made his fortune in property. He was formerly a director at CLS Holdings plc, a listed property firm. In 2014, he founded Quidnet Capital LLP, a London-based private firm managing commercial real estate for external investors.
Through Quidnet, he:
Built and traded £500m+ worth of UK commercial property assets
Launched Quidnet REIT plc (AIM listed 2016–18) focused on regional office parks
Managed retail and industrial property portfolios in South East, Midlands and Yorkshire
His current holding company is:
Tisun Investments Ltd – which has made direct cash injections into Reform UK listed as “loans”, later converted to donations
Offshore Jersey trust revelation
An investigation by Good Law Project revealed Tice had transferred shares in Quidnet Capital into a Jersey-registered family trust holding “millions”.
After public scrutiny, the trust was re‑domiciled to the UK.(goodlawproject.org)Policy links to business
Tice is a vocal opponent of the UK's net zero climate policy and supports increased oil and gas production, fracking, and cutting environmental regulations all positions that directly affect the commercial property and energy infrastructure sectors he’s involved with.
Bottom Line
Tice chairs the party, funds the party, and promotes it weekly on TV.
No other UK party figure holds these three roles simultaneously.
There is no law against it. But there are serious concerns about fairness, media integrity, and concentration of influence.
For voters, it means one man controls the money, message, and microphone.
Fiona Cottrell
Fiona Cottrell is Reform UK’s largest single donor.
She gave £750,000 over 12 months, including £250,000 in March 2025 — more than any other individual donor.(The Guardian)
She is the daughter of Rupert Watson, 3rd Baron Manton, heiress to landed estates in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire.
A former glamour model, she dated Prince Charles in the 1970s.
The Cottrell Family’s wealth stems from the Watson/Manton landholdings in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire
George Cottrell
(Fiona’s son — is a convicted US fraudster and informal fixer for Nigel Farage).
George Cottrell is Fiona’s son and serves as an informal advisor to Nigel Farage. Born in 1993, he was expelled from Malvern College for illegal gambling. He has been described as having a close relationship with Farage, sometimes referring to him as “Daddy”.
Criminal History: George Cottrell was arrested in July 2016 at Chicago O’Hare Airport while travelling with Farage. He was charged with 21 counts including fraud, money laundering, and extortion for advertising money laundering services on the dark web. He ultimately pleaded guilty to one count of wire fraud and was sentenced to eight months in prison in March 2017.
Business Interests: George Cottrell currently runs several companies:
Geostrategy International Unlimited — an unlimited liability company incorporated in February 2025, which campaigners warn could provide a “backdoor for illegal donations” (The dark Arts).
Cottrell Global Holdings — a dormant Guernsey-registered entity that once claimed to manage €150 million (INKL).
Political Activities
Despite having no official title, George Cottrell remains close to Farage and Reform UK operations. He has funded Farage’s overseas trips, including to CPAC and US donor tours, paying up to £25,000 per trip. He was present at Reform fundraisers and campaign events (bylinetimes.com)
Gambling Losses
In 2024, George Cottrell reportedly lost £16 million ($20 million) in a single night at a high-stakes poker game in Montenegro at the Maestral Casino. He was playing against Chinese billionaires and top poker players (vegasluck.com).
Family Network
The Cottrell family has significant aristocratic connections. George’s uncle is Alexander Fermor-Hesketh, 3rd Baron Hesketh, who served as Government Chief Whip under Margaret Thatcher and John Major before defecting to UKIP in 2011 (telegraph.co.uk).
Transparency Concerns
Reform UK received significant criticism for its donation transparency. The party’s reliance on the Cottrell family funding with Fiona’s money providing the cash and George managing the political connections, has raised questions about the influence of convicted criminals in political funding.
Recommendations for Counter-Strategies
Exposing Financial Networks
Follow the Money: Map and publicise the complete network of Reform UK's offshore funding sources
Tax Justice: Highlight how Farage's own tax avoidance contradicts his populist messaging
Transparency Campaigns: Demand full disclosure of all Reform UK's financial arrangements
Challenging Media Narratives
Platform Denial: Refuse to provide Farage with unchallenged media platforms
Fact-Checking: Systematically document and publicise his lies and contradictions
Alternative Voices: Amplify working-class voices that contradict his false populism
Building Counter-Movements
Genuine Populism: Develop politics that actually addresses working-class concerns without scapegoating
International Solidarity: Build connections with anti-fascist movements globally
Democratic Education: Strengthen civic education to build resistance to authoritarian appeals
Legal and Regulatory Action
Electoral Reform: Strengthen rules on political funding transparency
Media Regulation: Address hate speech and misinformation on platforms like GB News
International Cooperation: Work with allies to address transnational far-right networks
The Threat to Democracy
Nigel Farage represents far more than a populist politician exploiting legitimate grievances. The evidence reveals a sophisticated operation funded by offshore wealth, connected to international authoritarian networks, and dedicated to undermining democratic institutions from within.
His transformation from "skint" politician to multi-millionaire media personality demonstrates how far-right politics has become a lucrative career path for those willing to scapegoat vulnerable communities while serving elite interests. The contradiction between his "man of the people" rhetoric and his offshore-funded, elite-networked reality exposes the fraudulent nature of his entire political project.
The systematic racism within Reform UK, the documented attempts at far-right infiltration, and Farage's increasing attacks on democratic institutions represent clear warning signs. His admission to spreading misinformation, his undermining of press freedom, and his conspiracy theories about "rigged" elections mirror the tactics used by authoritarians globally to prepare ground for anti-democratic seizures of power.
The time for treating Farage as a legitimate democratic actor has passed.
His politics represent an existential threat to democratic values, human rights, and social cohesion. Only by exposing the full extent of his elite networks, financial contradictions, and anti-democratic agenda can we build effective resistance to this dangerous political project.
The choice is clear: